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Chairman says health of mother and not just life needs protection

Chairman says health of mother and not just life needs protection .

The legal situation should be addressed “urgently” to ensure that not only the life but the health of the mother can be protected in pregnancy, the chairman of the review team said.

Prof Sabaratnam Arulkumaran was asked whether, to ensure another woman did not die in circumstances similar to those in which Savita Halappanavar had died, the law should permit termination of pregnancy where there was a threat to the health and not just to the life of the mother.

He replied: “Yes.”

More women could die in Irish hospitals in a manner similar to Savita Halappanavar unless legal clarity is provided for doctors on when they can intervene to terminate a pregnancy, the HSE report into her death has warned.Savita Halappanavar report: Tragic. Devastating.
Savita Halappanavar (left of photo) with children at Galway’s St Patrick’s day parade.The girl with the diamond smile
Dr Katherine Astbury advised Savita Halappanavar and her husband that a termination might have to be considered after a diagnosis of sepsis was confirmed. Photograph: Eric LukeTermination was denied at first because clinicians believed their ‘hands were tied’
Sabaratnam Arulkatumaran (left), Chairperson, and Dr Philip Crowler, National Director for Quality and Patient Safety, at the publication of the HSE clinical review report into the death of Savita Halappanavar on Thursday. Photograph: Eric LukeSerious gaps remain in what we know about operations in the hospital
“Failing to devise and follow a plan of care for this patient” is a fairly damning indictment of the healthcare professionals who looked after Ms Halappanavar. Photograph: Eric LukeMedical view: Focus on basics of care likely to help save lives

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“There are certain conditions a pregnant mother might have which can suddenly escalate – for example in this particular situation from an infection that is very localised but which spreads to the whole body and is sepsis.

“With severe sepsis the mortality rate is about 40 per cent, and if she goes into septic shock the mortality rate can be as much as 60 per cent. This can be in a very short period of time which means that [if] intervening is at a later stage it is difficult to bring the patient back to normality and to control.

Medical community
“So what we are saying is the medical community have to discuss with the legal profession if you really want to say the chances of making sure someone survives; this needs discussion.

“We don’t want another death happening because there is some ambiguity about how they interpret the law.”

He also said there were situations where a mother’s health only was threatened but which could escalate rapidly into a situation where her health would be permanently damaged.

“If you have infection, by the time it comes to sepsis and severe sepsis the fallopian tubes might be injured, she can become sub-fertile, she might have [later] an ectopic pregnancy. Life-long she might have pelvic inflammatory disease. I mean, how much are you prepared to take before considering termination of pregnancy?

“At what point is this going to give permanent injury to the woman, or what point might it escalate to death.”

He said too much responsibility was on individual doctors to interpret when it was legal to intervene, leading some to wait until the foetal heart stopped to be sure they were acting within the law.

“Even until the last minute they are waiting for the foetal heart to disappear before the termination would be considered. Some might have done it much earlier … so it seems to be a little bit individual, even within Ireland. So we must have some definitive meanings as to when you think this should be done.”

His patient
If Savita had been his patient in the UK she would have been offered a termination on Sunday, October 21st, the day she went into hospital. “If it was my case I would have terminated the pregnancy,” he said.

We need to get the 8th amendment repealed to safe guard women’s health.

The personal is political: my family’s childcare role-reversal

Today in the Irish Times the wonderful Anthea McTeirnan talks about family life.

The personal is political: my family’s childcare role-reversal – .

Not for us a stay-at-home mother prone to outbreaks of baking and bathos and a thrusting, briefcase-carrying, disciplinarian dad. We were going to do things differently. And we did. Sort of.

In 1995, just as our second son reached 18 months, a job came up in the sports department at The Irish Times. I was a freelance journalist, and this was a full-time, permanent, pensionable job, previously occupied only by men. I got it.

Swap roles
So we decided to swap roles. I was to be the main wage earner, Kevin was to go part-time and do the bulk of the childcare.

While choosing to have a stay at home Dad is still seen as strange, it’s not to me as my Dad became the stay at home parent when I was about 10, and my Mam was the one who went out to work, he did everything the 5 of us needed, all the school runs, volunteered in the school, parents association. One of my early memories of having my hair done was his big strong gentle hands trying to get my mane into a pony tail and swearing when the bobbin snapped.

He did a great job with the 5 of us, both my parents did. His mother brought him up with the belief hands had no gender and he surprised more then a few people when he’d change my terrycloth nappy himself as a baby rather then hand me off to my mother. There was no such thing as ‘women’s work’ growing up, there was just the things which needed doing in the house as part of being a family, which means caring and sharing it all.

In Ireland we have not statutory paternity leave or shared parenting leave after the birth of adoption of a child. It is something which I know we need. We need a better division of child care and labour in the home rather then the default thinking being it is automatically ‘women’s work’, and that starts with sharing the work load from the beginning.

It will also mean when an employer is looking at two candidates for a job who are in their late 20s to late 30s, a man is just as likely to need time off when having children as a woman might.

100 years on, Irish feminists have plenty to be proud of – Social Affairs & News from Ireland & Abroad | The Irish Times – Sun, May 26, 2013

100 years on, Irish feminists have plenty to be proud of – Social Affairs & News from Ireland & Abroad | The Irish Times – Sun, May 26, 2013.

In 1913, 100 years ago, Irish feminists were poised between two momentous events: the passage of the Third Home Rule Bill through the UK parliament in 1912, without a much hoped-for provision for female suffrage, and the outbreak of the first World War, which would divert suffrage activities into pro- and anti-war campaigns.

In 1918, with the Representation of the People Act, the vote was granted to women over the age of 30 with a property qualification; full voting rights for all over 21 came in the Free State constitution of 1922.

The history of Irish first-wave feminism goes back to the 1860s and people like Isabella Tod and Anna Haslam who set up the first organisations seeking votes for women. They and others were also active in the struggle to achieve access to higher education for women, to give married women rights to their own property and to repeal the Contagious Diseases Acts, which allowed suspected prostitutes in certain areas to be compulsorily examined and treated for venereal disease. The careful reformist approach of this cohort of suffragists was slowly but surely effective in achieving its ends.

Frustration with the Irish Parliamentary Party – and the example of the Women’s Social and Political Union, the Pankhursts’ organisation – caused Hanna Sheehy Skeffington and Margaret Cousins to set up the Irish Women’s Franchise League (IWFL) in 1908, with a more militant approach. They broke windows in Government Buildings, and were intermittently imprisoned between 1912 and 1914.

Two British suffragettes, Gladys Evans and Mary Leigh, tried to blow up the Theatre Royal, and threw a hatchet into prime minister Asquith’s carriage, narrowly missing him. The IWFL did raise consciousness of the issue of suffrage to a new popular level, particularly through their newspaper, The Irish Citizen .

Repressive legislation
The achievement of the full franchise by women in 1922 did not mean a society which espoused equality. Successive Irish governments introduced repressive legislation in the 1920s and 1930s, including the effective removal of women from juries in 1927, the marriage bar in 1932 (under which women had to leave their jobs when they got married), the Conditions of Employment Act of 1935, which restricted women’s employment in certain areas, and of course, the privileging of women in the home in the 1937 Constitution. Groups like the Irish Housewives’ Association and the Irish Women Workers’ Union valiantly fought these attempts to restrict women to the domestic sphere, but it wasn’t until the second wave of feminism in the 1960s and 1970s that reformists and activists again combined to achieve some extraordinary changes.

The second wave had a large smorgasbord of issues to explore. They included the marriage bar, equal pay, childcare facilities, violence against women and a range of injustices broadly related to marriage and reproductive issues: contraception, divorce, single motherhood, deserted wives, same-sex rights and abortion (the last still with us and sadly, as divisive as ever).

Young women today are amazed at the idea that less than 40 years ago, women in the public sector and in many private companies had to resign their jobs on marriage; that women were regarded as dependents of their husbands for tax and social welfare purposes, and paid on average 57 per cent less than their male counterparts; that contraception and divorce were banned; that there were no State supports for single parents or deserted spouses; that sex education was non-existent in Irish schools; that the idea of a female Irish president was so unlikely as to be laughable. All of this was overturned in the 1970s and following decades.

Second-wave leaders
The people who played significant public roles in the second wave were, in the beginning, journalists like Nell McCafferty, Mary Maher, Mary Holland, Mary Kenny, Mary McCutcheon, Rosita Sweetman and June Levine, who has done the movement great service by writing Sisters; The Personal Story of an Irish Feminist , first published in 1982, and reprinted in 2012 near the first anniversary of her death. Sisters was not just the autobiography of a very interesting woman but the biography of the first decade of the Irish Women’s Liberation movement.

The broadcast media also played a large role in highlighting the hidden Ireland, with the tragic death of Ann Lovett in a grotto in Granard in 1984, unleashing a torrent of stories of suffering from women all over the country who had remained silent up to then. The work of Nuala O’Faoláin, Betty Purcell and others in Irish radio and television played a huge part in placing women’s issues in the foreground.

The achievements of that decade were extraordinary. We have a lot to be proud of, for a small country with a powerful patriarchal State and church. Last Saturday, the Countess Markievicz Summer School took place in a packed Liberty Hall, with many young women in the audience. The big ticket issues of the 21st century – domestic violence, reproductive rights, employment rights, childcare which is affordable and fair to parents and children, and the battle against viciously reductive female body images, sex trafficking and the incredibly wealthy pornography industry – will be theirs to pursue. They have many admirable predecessors.

Taking a time out.

I’m taking a break for a while, we’re are into jr cert exam crunch time and with a kid who’s on the autism spectrum, so stress levels are a bit on the high side for both of us. Hopefully once the exams themselves kick off things will settle down. Often the before is worse then the thing it’s self.

In the mean time is eyes thrown to heaven, remembering to take deep breaths and taking a time out even for 5 mins and then starting again.

Mrs Mary McGee and her spermicidal jelly.

http://www.irishtimes.com/news/health/anniversary-of-family-planning-case-brings-a-sense-of-d%C3%A9j%C3%A0-vu-1.1382006?page=1

The generation that takes Durex in the local Spar for granted may not know that 2013 is the 40th anniversary of a legal case that won them the right to use contraception. In 1973, 27-year-old Mary McGee challenged Ireland’s ban on family planning.

A mother of four children, she had complications in her previous pregnancy and was told that having another child would put her life in danger. On medical advice, she ordered spermicidal jelly from England (a criminal offence at the time) but it never arrived because of the amazing vigilance of Irish Customs who seized her package.

“I got a letter to say that because of the prohibition, my package wasn’t allowed in. I couldn’t believe it,” says McGee, sitting in her kitchen at home in Skerries recounting the story. “I just thought ‘no way, I have to do something about this’, not realising the enormity of what I was taking on. I think we were all ready for change though. People wanted children but they also wanted a life.” She took her case to the Supreme Court and won.

Mad to think if she and her husband hadn’t of been brave enough to take the case all the way, how much longer it would have taken to make contraception legal here. Still the 1973 ruling only made it legal for married couples by prescription, it wasn’t until 1983 it was extended to un married people and it was only 1994 condoms became over the counter and eventually in vending machines and shops.

So thank you Mary McGee for fighting for your spermicidal jelly and the right it eventually gave all of us.